rchaeologists are rightly interested in the

historical trend toward inequality in the

social relations instituted by ancient soci-

eties. The subject is inherently complex. People are

intensely interested in others; they use considerable

ingenuity and persistence to negotiate relationships

that are pleasing and favorable. Ethnographers and

historians, who have more or less direct access to

the actions and thoughts of individuals, might cap-

ture the full range of this complexity. Archaeolo-

gists lack this direct access but have the potential

advantage of tracking change over time spans inac-

cessible to either the ethnographer or the historian.

Tapping this potential poses a fundamental prob-

lem for the archaeologist: how can the refractory

materials yielded by archaeological excavation be

associated with changing social relations?

One requirement is a theory or model of social

relations that reduces the complexity of the social

situation in an analytically useful way. In the

Pacific, and especially Polynesia, these models

have developed in the context of a strong compar-

ativist tradition that has two broad trends. One

model with foundations in functionalism and neo-

evolutionism (Fried 1967; Service 1962) had an

early expression in Polynesia and the Pacific

(Sahlins 1958, 1963), and has spawned a large and

interesting archaeological literature (Earle,

ed. 1991; Earle 1997; Hommon 1986; Kirch 1984,

1990). The other model, which developed in the

more diffuse traditions of structuralism and Marx-

ism, was introduced somewhat later (Fried-

man 1981; Goldman 1970) and has developed

mostly outside of archaeology (Biersack 1991;

Hage and Harary 1983, 1991, 1996; Hooper and

Huntsman 1985; Kirch and Sahlins 1992;

Sahlins 1981, 1985; Valeri 1985b).

In the Pacific, studies espousing of both mod-

els typically take their analytic units from emic cat-

egories that are well- described in a rich

SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION IN OLD HAWAI‘I:

A BOTTOM- UP APPROACH

Thomas S. Dye

A bottom- up approach based in structuralism and Marxism cast in the “old language of rights” is used to explain tradi-

tional Hawaiian import of metric tons of poor- quality oven stone to the Waimanalo Plain, and to explain decline in the tra-

ditional use of tree firewood. The presence of poor- quality oven stones and the pattern of tree firewood use are linked to a

long- term decline in the importance of rights of person and a concomitant increase of rights of property associated with

the demise of lineage organization and the development of social stratification. It is argued that a bottom- up approach is

more productive in the current archaeological situation than a top- down approach based in functionalism and neoevolu-

tionary theory.

Algunos sitios arqueológicos del llano de Waimanalo, Isla de Oahu de las Islas Hawaianas, contienen toneladas métricas de

piedra de cocinar de mala calidad, toda importada desde afuera. Un enfoque basado en estructuralismo y en Marxismo es

utilizado para explicar estos datos. Es decir que es un caso social de “abajo hasta arriba” fundida en la “vieja lengua de

derechos” y que sirve para promover una hipótesis que resulta en el descubrimiento de la disminución en el uso tradicional

de leña. La presencia de piedra de cocinar de mala calidad y la trayectoria del uso de leña son vinculadas a una disminución

de largo plazo de la importancia de los derechos de la persona y un aumento de los derechos de propiedad asociado con la

desaparición del poder de linaje y el desarrollo de la estratificación social. La propuesta es que un enfoque de estructural-

ismo es más productivo para explicar la situación arqueológica que un enfoque de “arriba hasta abajo” basado en funcionalismo

y la teoría de neo- evolución.

Thomas S. Dye 䡲 T. S. Dye & Colleagues, Archaeologists, 735 Bishop St., Suite 315, Honolulu, HI 96813 (tsd@tsdye.com)

American Antiquity 75(4), 2010, pp. 727–741



AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 727

  $#$

ethnographic literature. For Hawai‘i this involves

a distinction between ali‘i, the leaders of traditional

Hawaiian society, and maka‘a¯inana, their follow-

rs. The structuralist and Marxist studies differ from

functionalist and neo- evolutionist studies in other

respects: (1) emphasis on the relations between cat-

egories rather than on the categories themselves;

(2) conceptualization of change as transformative

rather than stadial; (3) belief that change is inher-

ent to the social situation rather than a result of some

outside stimulus; and (4) development of theory

that is specific and local rather than abstract and

universal. In Hawai‘i, as elsewhere (Robb 2005),

functionalist, neo- evolutionist studies— with their

local focus on the progressive transition from chief-

dom to state and increasing degrees of power and

control exercised by novel institutional

arrangements— direct inquiry to the top of the

social structure. This results in what has been called

a top- down view (Gilman 1998). In contrast,

approaches with roots in structuralism and Marx-

ism, which appear in archaeology under a variety

of guises (e.g., Dobres and Robb 2000; Miller

et al. 1989), can view the problem from either end

of the social relation, but are often implemented

from the bottom up. Clearly, views from the top

and bottom are needed to comprehend the full com-

plexity of social relations. In the archaeological lit-

erature, preference for one over the other is often

based on politics or a particular social theory; the

concern with archaeological practice is how it

might change to suit the theory. The argument

advanced here attempts to isolate qualities of the-

ory that suit archaeological practice. It is concluded

that the bottom- up view helps formulate archaeo-

logically useful hypotheses in ways the top- down

view cannot.

This paper investigates a transformation of tra-

ditional Hawaiian society first theorized by Hom-

mon (1976), in which functions of corporate

kinship groups of a type found throughout Poly-

nesia were replaced by managers appointed by

and/or related to powerful ali‘i. The analysis here,

following structuralist and Marxist practice, iso-

lates a particular subset of social relations— in this

case, the nature of rights used to structure access

to productive resources— and elaborates with an

economic model the ways in which changes in this

set of relations altered patterns of behavior. The

approach is from the bottom up; its focus is on the

quotidian tasks performed by maka‘a¯inana, whose

material remains dominate the archaeological

record of Hawai‘i. This approach was developed

o explain a particular characteristic of the local

archaeological record that initially seemed to indi-

cate irrational behavior: the import of metric tons

of poor- quality cooking stones to traditional Hawai-

ian sites on the southeastern coast of O‘ahu Island.

Statement of the Problem

Archaeological excavations for cultural resources

management at traditional Hawaiian sites on the

coastal plain of Waima¯nalo on the windward side

of O‘ahu Island have yielded surprisingly large

quantities of poor- quality cooking stones (Fig-

ure 1). Most of the sites on the plain date to the sev-

enteenth and eighteenth centuries (Dye 2000),

although site 4852 near the mouth of Puha¯ Stream,

which is not known to have poor- quality cooking

stones, dates as early as the tenth century (Tuggle

and Spriggs 2001). Archaeological deposits on the

plain are relatively thick and rich near the shore,

indicating considerable effort was spent cooking

and eating marine invertebrates collected from shal-

low nearshore waters and fish caught with hooks

and presumably nets. Away from the shore the

deposit is characterized by isolated fire pits used

primarily for cooking fish and shellfish, around

which a light scatter of cultural material can be

recovered from the surface of the paleosol. None

of the sites reflect year- round habitation; it is likely

that all or most of the people using the Waima¯nalo

Plain kept residences farther inland, near their gar-

dens (Tuggle 1997).

Although ornaments from an undated burial of

a young woman near the mouth of Puha¯ stream

have been identified as high- status items (Pearson

et al. 1971), the plain lacks the walls and other

architectural features typically used in traditional

Hawai‘i to separate the sacred space of ali‘i from

the secular space of maka‘a¯inana. The archaeo-

logical deposits yield materials associated with

maka‘a¯inana activities and it is reasonable to infer

that the poor- quality cooking stones were brought

to the plain and used there by maka‘a¯inana.

Although the task of engendering Hawaiian archae-

ology has just begun (Van Gilder 2001), the activ-

ities represented in the deposits reflect fishing that

was usually carried out by men, shellfishing prac-

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 728

%"! & 

Figure 1. Traditional Hawaiian archaeological sites on the coastal plain of Waima¯nalo. Site boundaries reflect grading

for construction of a military facility in the twentieth century as much as they do patterns of traditional Hawaiian use,

which were likely more nearly continuous than the site map indicates. Site numbers from the Hawai‘i Inventory of

Historic Places were assigned by Tuggle (1997). Map prepared by Eric Komori.

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 729

ticed primarily by women and children, and casual

cooking, which might have been done by either

men or women.

irst identified by Michael Desilets in the late

1990s (Desilets and Dye 2002), the poor- quality

volcanic cooking stones are definite imports to the

Waima¯nalo coastal plain, which is composed of cal-

careous sands laid down since the sea retreated

from its mid- Holocene +1.8 m high stand (Fletcher

and Jones 1996). The stones are found in associa-

tion with traditional Hawaiian fire pits and earth

ovens used to cook fish, shellfish, and, in rare

instances, pig. Some of them exhibit the discol-

oration and spall fractures associated with thermal

alteration. All of the stones can be distinguished

from the fine- grained, homogeneous rock that was

used to make tools and which is found in small

quantities in sites on the Waima¯nalo coastal plain.

They all lack the vesicles characteristic of good

cooking stones, and their broken condition attests

to the fact that they performed poorly in the oven,

breaking into pieces in the heat.

Cooking stones are extremely common in

archaeological sites on the plain. Excavation of

154 m

at site 4853 yielded an estimate that the site

as a whole contains 500,090–679,830 kg (Desilets

and Dye 2002). Based on a

C- derived occupation

period of 200 years, this works out to 7–10 kg

imported daily. A similar pattern is found at site

4856, where excavation of 15.5 m

yielded 655 kg

of poor- quality cooking stones (McElroy

et al. 2006).

The large quantity of poor- quality cooking stone

is surprising because an alternative stone requiring

less effort was available; earth ovens stocked with

a small quantity of high- quality cooking stones are

used for years elsewhere in Polynesia. Indeed, this

is the practice today in Waima¯nalo and elsewhere

in Hawai‘i where the earth oven is still used to

ka¯lua, or bake, meats such as pork or turkey. Poor-

quality cooking stones could be gathered from the

Keolu Hills immediately inland of the Waima¯nalo

plain (only a few hundred meters from the sites),

while high- quality stones were found somewhat

farther away, in the lower reaches of Puha¯ Stream

before it enters the sandy plain, where they are col-

lected today by the people of Waima¯nalo (Figure

1). Still, the extra effort required to import more

than 500-metric tons of poor- quality cooking stone

raises the question of why it was done. One possi-

ble answer is rooted in the maka‘a¯inana transfor-

mation of traditional Hawaiian society in which

access rights were fundamentally altered.

Theoretical Background

Marshall Sahlins’ work with Dorothy Barrère on

mid- nineteenth- century Hawaiian land records

revealed that traditional Hawaiian social relations

governing maka‘a¯inana access to resources were

unique in Polynesia, in which the difference was

of kind rather than degree. In Sahlins’(1992) words:

Everything looks as if Hawaiian society had

been through a history in which the concepts

of lineage— of a classic Polynesian sort, orga-

nizing the relations of persons and tenure of

land by seniority of descent— had latterly been

eroded by the development of chiefship.

Intruding on the land and people from outside,

like a foreign element, the chiefship usurps the

collective rights of land control and in the

process reduces the lineage order in scale,

function, and coherence [Sahlins 1992:192].

The questions of when and how the transfor-

mation occurred have been taken up by archaeol-

ogists, all of whom either advocate (Cordy 2004)

or implement a top- down approach (e.g., Hom-

mon 1976, 1986; Earle 1997, 1998) . Implementa-

tions of the top- down approach first identify in the

ethnographic or historical record an element of ali‘i

control with a material expression that persists in

the archaeological record. The development and

elaboration of this material element, revealed

through archaeological investigation, is then used

as an index of the development and elaboration of

ali‘i control. In Hommon’s (1976, 1986) case, the

material element was the traditional ahupua‘a land

division administered by contact- era ali‘i as a tax

unit. The formation of this unit, Hommon (1976,

1986) argued, is visible in the archaeological record

as the establishment of inland settlement through-

out the islands by the early fifteenth century. In

Earle’s (1997, 1998) case, this material element

was the agricultural facility, in particular the irri-

gated taro pondfields that were the most produc-

tive components of the traditional Hawaiian

agricultural system, the use rights to which ali‘i

controlled in the contact- era. In Earle’s (1997,

1998) view, ali‘i control over these and similar

  $#$

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 730

facilities was in place by the fifteenth century, after

which their rapid expansion was a means to “insti-

tutionalize the financial structure of the new chief-

oms” (Earle 1997:86).

The top- down approach applied in this way to

archaeological materials is limited in its ability to

investigate changes in social relations. Its focus on

ali‘i ignores maka‘a¯ inana agency; however,

maka‘a¯inana agency must be acknowledged to

establish the indexical relationship between the

material element and ali‘i control. What mecha-

nism does the top- down approach rely on to guar-

antee that social relations developed in tandem with

the material indicators of ali‘i power? The inland

settlement that Hommon (1976, 1986) proposed as

the archaeological definition of the ahupua‘a tax

unit, and the agricultural facilities that are the focus

of Earle’s (1997, 1998) analysis could both have

originated and developed within the social context

of lineages of the classic Polynesian sort; only later,

after social relations had begun to change and ali‘i

exercised more control, these settlements were

managed as a tax unit or had their use rights wrested

from local control. The best that can be expected

from the top- down approach applied in this way

are termini ante quem for the maka‘a¯inana trans-

formation. These are useful data, but lacking a the-

oretical connection, they fall short of directly

investigating transformational processes at work

in traditional Hawai‘i.

Hommon (1976, 1986), Earle (1997, 1998), and

Cordy (2004) all recognize this limitation of the

approach and each turn to oral traditions to bolster

their revised accounts. The oral traditions that were

collected in the nineteenth century come to us

through the filter of the Kamehameha dynasty,

which was ascendant at the time of Captain Cook’s

visit in 1778 and, under the leadership of Kame-

hameha I, established hegemony soon after with the

aid of firearms, large ships, and western military

advisers (Cordy 2000; Fornander 1916–1919;

Hommon 1976; Kamakau 1992; Kolb 1994; Kuyk-

endall 1968; Sahlins 1992). An important tradition,

brilliantly analyzed by Valeri (1985a), concerns an

ali‘i named ‘Umi who lived nine generations before

Kamehameha, a time dated genealogically to the

mid to late sixteenth century (Hommon 1976:124).

‘Umi is credited with forcefully re- uniting the

rebellious chiefdoms of Hawai‘i Island and with

being the first ali‘i to redistribute conquered lands,

a practice consistent with the contact- era situation,

by which time ali‘i had usurped the collective rights

of land control. Taken at face value, the tradition

ndicates that the maka‘a¯inana transformation was

completed by the time of ‘Umi. The problem with

this use of tradition is the possibility that practices

common in the Kamehameha era were, consciously

or unconsciously, projected on a distant past that

lacked them. To a certain extent, this is a natural

process in the oral transmission of information,

where categories of the past are interpreted with

modern definitions (Goody and Watt 1963), but a

propagandist use of tradition is documented for

many societies and has been practiced at least since

classical Antiquity (Flower 2002; Hobsbawn and

Ranger 1983; Rawson 1969). It would be a mis-

take to think that Hawaiian tradition was somehow

immune to natural processes of semantic change

or that it was not interpreted by ali‘i and their agents

to legitimize contemporary social relations. The

traditions are a valuable source of information

about old Hawai‘i, but as a chronological basis for

the study of social relations they should be used

with caution. Fortunately, difficulties linking top-

down theory with archaeological materials are not

shared by a bottom- up approach.

Theory from the Bottom Up

A central question in a bottom- up view of the

maka‘a¯inana transformation is how access to

resources changed with the erosion of lineage func-

tions by the development of ali‘i power. One

approach to this question is through comparative

ethnography, an analytic method that has been fruit-

fully applied to Polynesian history (e.g., Kirch and

Green 2001). Ideally, descriptions of how access

to resources was structured in Hawai‘i and several

other Polynesian societies would yield a list of fea-

tures unique to Hawai‘i, which likely developed

locally. Unfortunately, Polynesian ethnographers

paid relatively little attention to the admittedly com-

plex relations governing access to resources (Cro-

combe 1974). The only firsthand, detailed

description of how a functioning Polynesian soci-

ety structured access to resources is from Tikopia,

a small island at the other end of Polynesia from

Hawai‘i (Firth 1965). This description can be sup-

plemented with reconstructions of extinct social

relations in the Society Islands (Oliver 1989;

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AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 731

Panoff 1971;) and the Marquesas (Thomas 1990)—

the original homelands of the Hawaiian people

(Emory 1959; Kirch 1985; Sinoto 1970)—and New

ealand (Firth 1972). General propositions about

access to resources in these societies where lineages

structured access to resources can be contrasted

with the situation in Hawai‘i to formulate proposi-

tions about changes in the behavior of maka‘a¯inana

on the Waima¯nalo Plain during the transformation

period.

Throughout Polynesia, outside contact- era

Hawai‘i lineages established rights of prior pos-

session to particular resources, which were use

rights assigned to group members that allowed

them uncompromised access to improved and

unimproved land, trees, and the sea. The members

managed a variety of rights with respect to these

resources, including rights of direct use, indirect

gain, control, transfer, identification, and rever-

sionary interest (Crocombe 1974). Importantly,

rights held by lineage members were rights of per-

son, rather than rights of property (Bell 1998:34 ff.).

A right of property is a claim that others can be

excluded from the use or enjoyment of some thing;

a right of person is a claim that one cannot be

excluded from such a use or enjoyment (Macpher-

son 1985:77). Typically, a right of person cannot

be alienated by the person who holds it. Such rights

are revoked only under extraordinary circum-

stances. In Polynesia, rights of person were trans-

mitted to heirs, a process that gave the lineage

continuity on the land.

Characteristics of the Waima¯nalo Plain— the

low productivity and undependability of its coral

soils for traditional Hawaiian agriculture and the

slim possibilities the soils hold for improvement or

intensification— have been proposed as universal

indicators of lands likely to have been held in com-

mon (Netting 1976:144). This view of the plain as

former common land is supported by the fact that

when fee simple title was instituted in the mid nine-

teenth century, a process known in Hawai‘i as the

Ma¯hele, most of the plain went unclaimed and the

few small claims that were made were located along

the banks of Puha¯ Stream (Tuggle 1997). From an

economic point of view (Ostrom 2000),

maka‘a¯inana before the transformation would have

enjoyed rights of person in the commons, includ-

ing: (1) rights of access to the land and its resources;

(2) rights of withdrawal of resources for use and

enjoyment; (3) rights of management to transform

the resource by making improvements; and

(4) rights of exclusion to participate in the deter-

ination of who else would share access and with-

drawal rights. In a property rights regime,

economists call individuals with this bundle of

rights proprietors (Ostrom 2000), although this

designation inverts the true relation that lineage

members had with the land. In the context of rights

of person, they made members of the lineage peo-

ple who belonged to a place (Peters 1998:360).

The traditional Hawaiian tenure system has been

discussed extensively (Cannelora 1974; Chi-

nen 1958; Dole 1892; Earle 1978; Hommon 1976;

Kame‘eleihiwa 1992; Kelly 1956; Sahlins 1992)

and there is widespread agreement on its basic ele-

ments: (1) the Hawaiian tenure system was a prop-

erty rights regime; (2) rights held by maka‘a¯inana

were revocable at the pleasure of ali‘i and their

agents; (3) rights of access to, withdrawal from, and

management of house lots and garden lands were

granted to individuals by ali‘i or their agents—

maka‘a¯inana were claimants (Ostrom 2000) of

these lands; and (4) rights held by maka‘a¯inana to

other lands in the ali‘i’s domain were limited to

access and a few forms of withdrawal

(Hawaii 1994)— maka‘a¯inana were authorized

users of these lands (Ostrom 2000).

Viewed from the bottom up, the maka‘a¯inana

transformation meant that people whose ancestors

once exercised an inalienable right to access, with-

draw, and manage the resources of the Waima¯nalo

Plain, and within the context of the lineage, to

decide how and where others could do so, found

themselves with rights of access and with limited

rights of withdrawal that could be revoked by an

ali‘i at any time. Their ancestors had been people

who belonged to the Waima¯nalo Plain. After the

transformation, maka‘a¯inana needed authorization

from someone unrelated to them to use former lin-

eage lands, and claims they might make to intrin-

sic rights could be contested.

An Explanation and Elaboration

Changes in maka‘a¯inana status during the trans-

formation affected their activities on the former

common lands of the Waima¯nalo Plain, as predicted

by economic theory. Private property proponents

have long argued that investment in land requires

  $#$

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 732

that users with rights of property possess a full bun-

dle of rights— access, withdrawal, management,

exclusion, and alienation— and that they be own-

ers in the fullest sense. Economists have discov-

ered that, under certain circumstances, the full

bundle of rights is not needed to spur investment.

Proprietors, who lack the right of alienation that

would make them owners, often make similar lev-

els of improvements to their lands (Ostrom 2000).

Beyond this, however, there is a threshold where

investment slows or stops. When users lack the

security of tenure required to expect a reasonable

return, they curtail their investments.

Given the insecurity of tenure afforded autho-

rized users in a property rights regime, it is rea-

sonable to hypothesize that maka‘a¯inana did not

invest the time and effort needed to bring high-

quality cooking stones to the Waima¯nalo Plain after

the transformation. Lacking rights of management

and exclusion now claimed by ali‘i, maka‘a¯inana

could not expect that an oven’s worth of high-

quality cooking stones would be found where they

had been left. The shift from rights of person to

rights of property that defines the maka‘a¯inana

transformation meant that the institutional frame-

work of the lineage that would identify and sanc-

tion a thief was no longer at the disposal of

maka‘a¯inana. With little expectation that high qual-

ity cooking stones could be used a second time,

maka‘a¯inana instead hauled down poor- quality

stones from nearby hills to serve the task immedi-

ately at hand. This practice, repeated over and over,

is responsible for the metric tons of poor- quality

cooking stones recovered from archaeological sites.

Because the poor- quality cooking stones are

associated with cooking pits and earth ovens, it is

possible to date with confidence when they were

brought to the plain. Twenty- three features associ-

ated with poor- quality cooking stones have been

dated with wood charcoal selected to minimize the

effects of in- built age. Twelve of these radiocarbon -

dates— Beta-120317 through Beta-120328—from

site 4853 have been reported elsewhere (Dye 2000).

The other eleven radiocarbon dates from site 4856

are reported here (Table 1). The radiocarbon age

determinations were calibrated using Bayesian

methods (Buck et al. 1999). A single phase model

was developed in which the age determinations

were assumed to be a random sample from a uni-

form distribution. The calibration estimated phase

boundaries; the early boundary represents an esti-

mate of the onset of poor- quality cooking stones

on the plain. The 95.4 percent highest posterior

density region for the early phase boundary is A.D.

1414–1611. There is a 93 percent probability that

the poor- quality cooking stones were being trans-

ported to the plain before the seventeenth century.

Behavior theoretically consistent with post-

transformation social relations was thus almost cer-

tainly in evidence on the Waima¯nalo Plain in the

late sixteenth century.

The model yielded by this analysis posits an

early period when the lineage structured access to

the resources of the Waima¯nalo Plain. During this

period, cooking was done in a few fire pits and earth

ovens that used high- quality cooking stones over

long periods of time in a behavioral pattern typi-

cally followed elsewhere in Polynesia and in

Hawai‘i today. Sometime before A.D. 1611,

maka‘a¯inana found that they could no longer keep

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Table 1. Radiocarbon Ages of Fire Pit Features from Site 4856.

Laboratory Fire pit Material ␦

C CRA*

Beta-208589

†

Chenopodium oahuense wood charcoal -26.6 140 ± 40

Beta-208590

†

Sida cf. fallax wood charcoal -24.9 90 ± 40

Beta-208591

†

Aleurites moluccana nutshell -25.7 140 ± 40

Beta-246786

‡

Feature 4 Sida cf. fallax wood charcoal -25.4 380 ± 40

Beta-251245

‡

Feature 5 Chenopodium oahuense wood charcoal -24.5 260 ± 40

Beta-251243

‡

Feature 9 Aleurites moluccana nutshell charcoal -24.9 350 ± 40

Beta-251244

‡

Feature 10 Sida cf. fallax wood charcoal -24 250 ± 40

Beta-251242

‡

Feature 12 Sida cf. fallax wood charcoal -24.4 200 ± 40

Beta-251246

‡

Feature 17 Chenopodium oahuense wood charcoal -21.9 240 ± 40

Beta-251247

‡

Feature 22 Cordyline fruticosa wood charcoal -22.6 450 ± 40

Beta-251248

‡

Feature 23 Aleurites moluccana nutshell charcoal -25.6 390 ± 40

Conventional

C age (Stuiver and Polach 1977).

†

McElroy, Dye, and Jourdane (2006).

‡

Lebo, Dye, and Dye (2009).

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 733

their high- quality cooking stones from being stolen.

They grew tired of selecting and transporting high-

quality cooking stones to the plain and instead gath-

red low- quality cooking stones from the closest

source, hauling down new stones each time they

anticipated cooking on the plain.

To date, there are no archaeological data to sup-

port the posited early period, but there are plausi-

ble reasons why this might be so. Excavations of

early period deposits were carried out in the 1960s

and 1970s, before poor- quality cooking stones were

identified in the 1990s. Excavators could not have

known that it would later become important to char-

acterize cooking stones, which were typically not

collected at that time. Also, the model posits the

import of relatively few high- quality cooking

stones; they would be rare finds in any case. Nev-

ertheless, the lack of demonstrated change leaves

the model open to criticism based on equifinality

of the archaeological record. Equally plausible

alternative hypotheses might readily be imagined.

Clearly, the model would be strengthened by a

record of change ostensibly related to the

maka‘a¯inana transformation.

One place to look for change is suggested by

laws of the Hawaiian kingdom, which document

negotiations between ali‘i and maka‘a¯inana over

access to firewood. The so- called Kuleana Act of

1850, which offered maka‘a¯inana fee simple title

to residential and garden lands, recognized that

maka‘a¯inana depended upon customary access to

undeveloped lands for their livelihood and sought

to preserve access for those who left customary

tenures for fee simple titles. This provision of the

Act, which survives in modern law as Hawaii

Revised Statutes 7–1, provides in part that “where

the landlords have obtained, or may hereafter

obtain, allodial titles to their lands, the people on

each of their lands shall not be deprived of the right

to take firewood, house- timber, aho cord, thatch,

or kı¯ leaf, from the land on which they live (Hawaii

1993:276).” The Act’s concern with preserving

maka‘a¯inana access to firewood was not new; it

was one subject of laws enacted by King

Kauikeaouli Kamehameha III a decade earlier

within the context of the customary tenure system.

These laws intended to restrain the exercise of prop-

erty rights by agents of ali‘i and to protect cus-

tomary maka‘a¯ inana gathering rights. On

November 9, 1840, the King signed a law that

(1) limited the timber that could be made kapu to

one kind; (2) kept the sandalwood and “all large

trees such as one man cannot clasp (Hawaii

994:35)” for the King; and (3) prohibited the kin-

dling of fires to “burn up all the verdure of the

mountain (Hawaii 1994:35).” This law was only

partially effective and a clarification signed by the

King six months later prohibited ali‘i or their agents

from making kapu any “article except timber

(Hawaii 1994:54),” including (1) “those things

which are lying on the top of the ground (Hawaii

1994:54)”—an apparent reference to deadwood,

(2) “the fruit of the trees (Hawaii 1994:54),”

(3) “roots growing in the ground (Hawaii

1994:54),” and (4) “the o¯‘hi‘a lehua [a tree, Met-

rosideros polymorpha] which one man can clasp

(Hawaii 1994:54).”

Analysis indicates that there is archaeological

evidence of negotiations like these in the detailed

record of the wood charcoal from traditional

Hawaiian fire pits on the plain (Murakami 1997,

1998, 2002, 2009). Charcoal has been identified

from 26 fire pits; these include the fire pits with

poor- quality cooking stones discussed above and

fire pits where the cooking stone quality was not

reported. Identified charcoal included wood, roots,

stems, nutshells, nut kernels, bark, twigs,

parenchyma, and bits of tubers (Table 2). Of these,

the woods, nutshells, and rind of a gourd were iden-

tifiable to one of 21 native plants, five Polynesian

introductions, and one wood, Pinus sp., alien to

Hawai‘i but often present as driftwood on Hawai-

ian beaches, including the beach fronting the

Waima¯nalo Plain (Strong and Skolmen 1963).

The identified plants were mostly trees, but

included six different shrubs, five shrub- trees that

varied in habit between large shrubs and small trees,

as well as pieces identified as fern, vine, and grass.

The weights of charcoal pieces identified as trees,

shrubs, shrub- trees, nutshells of the tree Aleurites

moluccana, and a residual “other” category that

contained ferns, vines, grasses and charcoal that

could not be identified sufficiently to determine

habit were presented for each of the fire pits in

Table 3, which also gives the conventional radio-

carbon age of charcoal of a short- lived taxon col-

lected from the fire pit. Most of these

radiocarbon ages are reported in Dye (2000); the

eight radiocarbon ages not reported there are pre-

sented in Table 3.

  $#$

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 734

These data support the determination (Mosteller

and Tukey 1977:21) that the contribution of tree

wood to the fires built on the Waima¯nalo Plain

declined over time (Figure 2). The data appear to

reflect a behavioral change in fire- making. Fires

made solely with shrubs have a long history on the

Waima¯nalo Plain; examples span the entire period.

In contrast, fire pits with large proportions of tree

wood charcoal become increasingly rare over time

and the proportion of tree wood charcoal in these

pits declines. This pattern appears to reflect several

centuries of negotiation over access to firewood

leading up to the laws of the early Hawaiian King-

dom.

Discussion

Traditional Hawaiian archaeological sites on the

Waima¯nalo Plain yield two lines of evidence asso-

ciated with the maka‘a¯inana transformation. The

presence of large quantities of poor- quality cook-

ing stones by A.D. 1414–1611 is hypothesized as

%"! & 

Table 2. Taxa Identified in Fire Pit Charcoal.

Family Taxon Hawaiian Origin Habit Part

Monocotyledoneae root

Monocotyledoneae stem

Pteridophyta fern stem

Agavaceae Cordyline fruticosa kı¯ Poly. intro.* shrub root

Agavaceae Cordyline fruticosa kı¯ Poly. intro. shrub wood

Amaranthaceae Nototrichium sp. kulu‘ı¯ native shrub- tree wood

Apocynaceae Rauvolfia sandwicensis hao native tree wood

Arecaceae Cocos nucifera niu Poly. intro. tree nutshell

Arecaceae Palm sp. tree wood

Asteraceae Bidens sp. ko‘oko‘olau native shrub wood

Chenopodiaceae Chenopodium oahuense ‘a¯heahea native shrub- tree wood

Cucurbitaceae Lagenaria siceraria ipu Poly. intro. vine rind

Ebenaceae Diospyros sandwicensis lama native tree wood

Euphorbiaceae Aleurites moluccana kukui Poly. intro. tree nutshell

Euphorbiaceae Aleurites moluccana kukui Poly. intro. tree cf. kernel

Euphorbiaceae Aleurites moluccana kukui Poly. intro. tree wood

Fabaceae Acacia koa koa native tree wood

Malvaceae Abutilon sp. ma‘o native shrub wood

Malvaceae Hibiscus sp. aloalo native shrub wood

Malvaceae Gossypium tomentosum ma‘o native shrub wood

Malvaceae Hibiscus tiliaceus hau native shrub- tree wood

Moraceae Artocarpus altilis ‘ulu Poly. intro. tree wood

Myrsinaceae Myrsine sp. ko¯lea native tree wood

Myrtaceae Metrosideros polymorpha ‘o¯hi‘a lehua native tree wood

Oleaceae Nestegis sandwicensis olopua native tree wood

Pinaceae Pinus sp. alien tree wood

Pittosporaceae Pittosporum sp. ho¯‘awa native tree wood

Poaceae Poaceae grass stem

Rhamnaceae Colubrina oppositifolia kauila native tree wood

Rosaceae Osteomeles anthyllidifolia ‘u¯lei native shrub wood

Rubiaceae Bobea sp. ‘ahakea native tree wood

Rubiaceae Canthium odoratum alahe‘e native shrub- tree wood

Sapindaceae Dodonaea viscosa ‘a‘ali‘i native shrub- tree wood

Scrophulariaceae Myoporum sandwicense naio native tree wood

Solonaceae Nothocestrum latifolium ‘aiea native tree wood

unidentified bark

unidentified twig

unidentified stem/root

unidentified parenchyma

unidentified tuber

unidentified wood

Polynesian introduction.

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 735

a rational economic response by maka‘a¯inana to a

loss of management and exclusion rights on lands

of the Waima¯nalo Plain after lineage functions were

usurped by ali‘i property right claims. The decline

in tree wood charcoal in fire pits is hypothesized

as the result of negotiation between ali‘i and

maka‘a¯inana over rights to withdraw firewood

from formerly common lands. Where the poor-

quality cooking stones evidence the outcome of a

process associated with the maka‘a¯inana transfor-

mation, the decline of tree wood charcoal estab-

lishes a pattern of change that tracks one aspect of

that transformation. The two lines of evidence sup-

port and corroborate one another. Theorized in the

context of an economic model of changing local

social relations, this is Polanyi, Arensberg, and

Pearson’s (1957) approach to analysis of the non-

market economy as “instituted process.” The

process makes sense because it is situated within

its historically specific institutional framework of

access rights to productive resources and not

because it is a putatively general characteristic of

society at a particular stage of development.

The persistent problem of equifinality in the

archaeological record means that alternative

hypotheses can be proposed for the presence of

poor- quality cooking stones and for the decline in

tree wood charcoal. If the poor- quality stone was

  $#$

Table 3. Charcoal Identifications by Weight (g).

Fire pit Beta- CRA* Tree Shrub S/T† Nut‡ Other Total

Site 50–80–11–4856

Feature 4

†

†‡‡

246786 380 ± 40 .03 1.09 .03 2.32 .14 3.64

Feature 5

††‡‡

251245 260 ± 40 .01 .63 .33 .17 .02 1.17

Feature 9

††‡‡

251243 350 ± 40 .18 .11 1.67 .04 2.00

Feature 10

†

†‡‡

251244 250 ± 40 .01 1.03 .10 .15 1.30

Feature 12

††‡‡

251242 200 ± 40 5.13 5.13

Feature 17

††‡‡

251246 240 ± 40 .01 .09 .06 .14 .09 .39

Feature 22

††‡‡

251247 450 ± 40 2.04 .76 .16 2.96

Feature 23

††‡‡

251248 390 ± 40 .54 .28 .36 1.18

Site 50–80–15–4851

Trench 4, Feature 2

111024 140 ± 60 1.43 1.07 .36 .04 1.08 6.27

Trench 4, Feature 3

§¶

111023 310 ± 40 .34 .07 1.35 .16 2.97

Site 50–80–15–4853

Feature 1

㛳

120317 140 ± 50 .53 .25 .03 3.19 4.10

Feature 5

§㛳

120318 150 ± 50 .50 .21 .38 .46 2.52 4.07

Feature 9

§㛳

120319 350 ± 80 7.79 2.20 2.35 .20 3.35 15.89

Feature 13

㛳

120320 230 ± 50 9.13 2.82 4.06 20.72 6.76 43.55

Feature 15

§㛳

120321 110 ± 70 1.32 1.27 1.00 5.34 2.17 11.10

Feature 16

§㛳

120322 310 ± 60 17.24 .50 7.86 3.32 3.59 32.51

Feature 17

§㛳

120323 170 ± 60 .55 .07 .64 1.64 .27 3.17

Feature 18

§㛳

120324 250 ± 50 .44 .04 93.23 .14 93.85

Feature 19

§㛳

120325 270 ± 70 2.34 .24 2.33 5.45 2.24 12.60

Feature 20

§㛳

120326 330 ± 60 3.58 3.21 4.98 2.60 2.91 17.28

Feature 24

§㛳

120327 400 ± 70 1.91 .08 3.99 .24 6.22

Feature 25

§㛳

120328 220 ± 50 1.12 .61 1.36 .07 3.16

Trench 5, Feature 1

111022 150 ± 40 5.29 7.63 4.57 .16 .99 22.23

Unit BT-23, Feature 10

** 101872 680 ± 40 4.31 .26 4.57

Unit BT-23, Feature 9

** 101871 720 ± 40 .67 .02 .69

Unit BT-5, Feature 6

** 101869 230 ± 60 .15 .02 .07 .05 .29

*Conventional

C age (Stuiver and Polach 1977).

†

Shrub- tree.

‡

Aleurites moluccana nutshell.

Dye (2000).

Dye (1998).

㛳

Desilets and Dye (2002).

**Addison (1997).

††

Lebo et al. (2009).

‡‡

See table 1.

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 736

the only kind brought to the plain in traditional

Hawaiian times, then it might have had certain

functional advantages that: (1) are not recognized

today; (2) outweighed its obvious disadvantages;

and (3) might be determined experimentally

(e.g., Di Piazza 1998). Similarly, the decline of tree

wood in fires might plausibly be due to a decline

over time in the number of trees in the vicinity

(e.g., Kirch et al. 2003).

Alternative hypotheses such as these focus the

realm of inquiry outside traditional Hawaiian soci-

ety. They imply that people in general were

responding to objective physical conditions, such

as the behavior of certain rocks under high heat or

the composition of local vegetation, without regard

to social conditions. By placing the impetus for

behavior and change outside society, they ignore

agency. A solution to the problem of gathering

wood for a fire is no doubt dependent to some extent

on what materials are readily at hand. The long-

standing practice on the Waima¯nalo Plain of fuel-

ing some fires almost entirely with shrub wood

clearly shows the influence of local conditions that

are well- suited to the growth of shrubs. But even

if the plain were not a good source of tree wood for

fires, it was still, in a physical sense, within the

power of maka‘a¯inana to bring firewood to the

plain in the same way they imported metric tons of

poor- quality cooking stones. It is instructive to com-

pare the fuels used by maka‘a¯ inana on the

Waima¯nalo Plain with those used by ali‘i living in

a similar environment on windward Maui Island

(see Figure 1). Fire pits excavated at the ali‘i resi-

dence of Hale Ki‘i and the nearby war temple of

Pihana yielded, on average, 56 percent tree wood

charcoal (Kolb and Murakami 1994), about three

times more than was common in Waima¯nalo at the

time. Clearly, even if trees were in short supply in

the windward Maui lowlands, it was still possible

for ali‘i to withdraw firewood from forests; the

wood charcoal evidence suggests it was less and

less possible for maka‘a¯inana on the Waima¯nalo

Plain to exercise this right.

The bottom- up approach focuses on the quo-

tidian activities of maka‘a¯inana that were respon-

sible for creation of the vast majority of the

archaeological record of traditional Hawai‘i. The

poor- quality cooking stones and shrubs used to

build fires that cooked fish and shellfish caught and

collected by maka‘a¯inana men, women, and chil-

dren as part of their daily activities are keys to track-

ing the transformation of maka‘a¯inana rights. This

contrasts strongly with explanations formulated by

the top- down approach, which often take the form

of an origins narrative (Moore 1995) in which the

remote past is reconstructed in terms of later peri-

ods, for which thoughts and attitudes are recorded.

As an example, the fact that ali‘i in the early his-

toric period controlled access to agricultural facil-

ities means that the agricultural facilities

%"! & 

●

●●

●

100 200 300 400 500 600 700

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8

Conventional radiocarbon age

Proportion tree charcoal by weight

Figure 2. Proportion by weight of tree wood charcoal in fire pits of the Waima¯nalo Plain. The locally weighted regression

line was calculated by the lowess procedure (Cleveland 1985:167 ff.) with a smoothness parameter, f, set to its maximum

of 1.

AQ75(4) Dye_Layout 1 12/9/10 4:07 PM Page 737

themselves were “the structure of rights and oblig-

ations within the local community” (Earle

1998:103). This analytic move conflates things

ith the rights held in them and stands in the way

of investigating a central problem of the

maka‘a¯inana transformation— how rights in pro-

ductive resources change over time. It also down-

plays the fact that correspondence between the built

landscape and ali‘i control was never perfect. Dur-

ing the mid- nineteenth- century Ma¯hele division of

lands, many maka‘a¯inana claims to facilities and

lands were denied precisely because ali‘i had not

authorized their construction or use. Even at a time

when the power of ali‘i and their western advisers

was near its zenith, rights to agricultural facilities

enjoyed by maka‘a¯inana varied from place to

place. The top- down approach falters in the for-

mulation of an archaeologically useful hypothesis

because the archaeologist cannot hope to distin-

guish between an agricultural field that was estab-

lished with the consent of an ali‘i from one that was

not.

What emerges from the bottom- up approach is

a view of the maka‘a¯inana transformation as a

process in which rights were repeatedly negotiated,

not as abstract principles, but through activities that

reciprocally defined the agency of ali‘i and

maka‘a¯inana. Losses on one front were made up,

if only partially, by gains on another. Like most

human affairs, the maka‘a¯inana transformation

must have been complex and often messy. Given

the evidence in early Hawaiian kingdom law for

negotiation between ali‘i and maka‘a¯inana over

access to firewood and the archaeological evidence

for a long decline in tree wood charcoal in fire pits

on the plain, it was a long process as well. The

bottom- up approach realizes archaeology’s unique

contribution to an understanding of the historical

trend toward inequality in the social relations insti-

tuted by Hawaiian society by helping to reveal in

the archaeological record the messy complexity of

the maka‘a¯inana transformation in the fullness of

time over which it played out.

Acknowledgments. I want to thank Michael Desilets for stim-

ulating discussions a decade ago on management of common

lands at Waima¯nalo; Rob Hommon, Gail Murakami, Dave

Tuggle, Fraser Neiman, Jim Bayman, Bill Dickinson and

other colleagues too numerous to mention for comments on

one or more of the several earlier drafts; federal archaeolo-

gists Kanalei Shun, Valerie Curtis, and Jeff Pantaleo for pro-

moting most of the fieldwork; and Muffet Jourdane,

Kimberly Kalama, Windy McElroy, Laurent Sinoto, Ingrid

Carlson, Sharyn Jones, Roger Blankfein and the other field-

workers for excavating long hours in the hot sun at

Waima¯nalo. Dave Tuggle kindly translated the abstract into

Spanish. With the exception of Figure 1, this article was

written with open- source software. Translation to a propri-

etary format recommended by the journal was accomplished

with the late Eitan Gurari’s tex4ht software. Translation to a

newer version of the proprietary format in order to produce

the accented vowels in Hawaiian language terms introduced

numerous errors; I thank Dore Minatodani for her patience

and repair help. The author takes responsibility for any

errors.

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Note

1. Hawai‘i Inventory of Historic Places site numbers are

used here without their usual prefixes; sites of the Waima¯nalo

Plain use either 50–80–11– or 50–80–15–.

Submitted March 13, 2009; Revised July 11, 2009;

Accepted November 9, 2009.

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